南洋大学校友业余网站

外国干预?

张素兰 (“人民论坛”译)


以下是读者推荐 2021年9月23日 Function 8 的贴文(英中版):

FOREIGN INTERFERENCE?
By Teo Soh Lung

I feel really angry about these repeated, unfounded allegations that the late Mr Francis Seow was offered payment by the United States to join opposition politics and contest in the 1988 general election.

I was in prison when the 1988 general election took place. As we all know, Francis Seow stood as a candidate of the Workers' Party in Eunos GRC. I was certainly excited that he had the guts to stand for election so soon after he was released from ISA detention. Some senior ISD officers bragged to me that the government had been very decent and magnanimous to release Francis Seow in time for him to contest the election. Big deal!

I do not believe the PAP's allegation that First Secretary Hank Hendrickson was involved in cultivating lawyers to join the opposition. We must not forget that in 1986, Francis Seow was the president of the Law Society of Singapore. As a president, it was natural for ambassadors in Singapore to want to meet him. And it was also natural that Francis Seow would have brought along fellow lawyers to meet the ambassador.

ISD officers used to tell me that ambassadors are actually spies for their home countries. Their job is to know what is happening in the country and report to their government. I am sure our ambassadors are also spies for Singapore. Meeting people to get a feel of the political and economic situation of the country is part of their duty. And so for Frank Hendrickson to meet Francis Seow and other lawyers was the most natural thing to happen.

We must also not forget that in 1986, the Amendment to the Newspaper and Printing Presses Bill was presented in parliament. PM Lee Kuan Yew was very angry that the foreign presses had the gall to criticise his government. He accused them of commenting on “domestic politics”. The new law would forbid them from criticising Singapore. Only Singaporean politicians are allowed to comment on politics. Naturally, I think, Hendrickson would be interested to know the views of lawyers on this Bill.

In 1986, Francis Seow and many lawyers opposed the new Bill. As president, he appointed a committee to look into this bill and to present a report to the society to be sent to the attorney general.

I happened to be the chairperson of this committee and we worked very hard to prepare a report for the society. Upon completion, we sent it to the Law Society which in turn sent it to the attorney general, Tan Boon Teik. I was told that Tan did not even acknowledge receipt of the report. Such arrogance of an attorney-general is hard to fathom.

I cannot remember very much of events that took place more than 30 years ago. But I recall that in those exciting and troublesome days, I too met Hank Hendrickson together with a few lawyers, including the Late Mr Subhas Anandan over lunch. I cannot remember where but it could have been the American Club. I also cannot remember what we talked about but it certainly was nothing about him egging us on to join the opposition or promising us political asylum or money for going into opposition politics if we ever want to do so. What benefit would he derive from us joining the opposition? Now that I have disclosed this meeting, I wonder if the ISD would like to interrogate me.

I don't know how often Francis Seow had lunch with Hank Hendrickson but I wouldn't think it was a weekly affair or more often than PAP ministers meeting up with him. As for me, I can only remember it was just one occasion.

I recall that soon after the Amendment to the Newspaper and Printing Presses Bill was passed, all the foreign publications were gazetted i.e. they were not allowed to sell more than 500 copies in Singapore. Far Eastern Economic Review, Asiaweek, Asian Wall Street Journal, Times of London, Herald Tribune, Newsweek and even the Economist were gazetted within a matter of months. Foreign publications left our shores and Lee was happy. His government didn't care because it knew that they would return one day as Singapore seems to be a very important city to them. So the PAP continued its oppression of the people after the foreign presses left our shores. It was good for them because no one would be able to criticise the government when it does bad things. The government then took the opportunity to arrest 22 people including me in May and June 1987. We were labelled Marxists not communists as in earlier times.

One would have thought that if foreign influence was the target in the 1987 arrests, I would have been interrogated for meeting Hank Hendrickson. Yet I was not. In fact, none of us was asked about lunches with the American ambassador. Why then did the ISD and the government raise this issue foreign interference only when they arrested Francis Seow one year later, in 1988?

The reason is very simple. Francis Seow cannot be labelled as a Marxist or communist. No one would believe the PAP if he was called a Marxist or communist. It would have been the joke of the town if they had done so. Francis Seow was a capitalist and loved life. So how can the ISD make up a “credible” story to justify his arrest? The simplest way or so they thought was to accuse him of being cultivated by the Americans to join the opposition. But even if this is true, the allegation is extremely stupid. What is wrong with joining the opposition and fighting against the PAP in a legitimate general election? It is for the people to decide whether to elect him or not.

In the general election rallies of 1988, the cowardly PAP did not accuse Francis Seow of being used by the Americans. Why didn't they do so?

The answer is simple. Francis would be able to rebut and ask them to show proof. So they kept quiet throughout the election period. It was only after Francis Seow left Singapore that he was again accused of being an agent for the United States. The PAP knew that he would not be able to return to Singapore after he was denied of his NCMP seat.

But fortunately for us, Francis Seow in a recorded interview denied the PAP's accusation against him and you can listen to what he has to say here. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzOLJE2ysNw

I am sure the ISD knew that I met up with Hendrickson for lunch. Yet when I was first arrested in May 1987, the ISD never asked me about my meeting with Hendrickson. Neither did they ask me about Hendrickson when Francis Seow was arrested when he came to interview me in prison. Why didn't the government also accuse me of being made use of by Hendrickson? Or arrest Subhas Anandan for having lunch with Hendrickson?

This bogey of foreign interference is just a convenient tool of the PAP. It may have worked in Lee Kuan Yew's time but I believe it will fail today. Singaporeans are smarter than the PAP leaders think.

Unfortunately, today's PAP leaders are like old dogs which cannot learn new tricks. So they follow Lee Kuan Yew's ways which to his credit, worked very well in his days.

Come on Ministers. Stand up for yourselves and don't rely on old tricks of your long gone leaders.

外国干预?

张素兰 (“人民论坛”译)

对于重复对已故萧添寿律师于1988年接受美国提供资金加入反对党并参加大选的指控,我再次表示极其愤慨!这是毫无根据地指控!

萧添寿参加1988年大选时我是被关押在牢里。众所周知,萧添寿是代表工人党参加友诺士集选区竞选。这是他在《内部安全法令》被逮捕获得释放后敢于站出来参与大选。我为此感到非常激动。当时一些内部安全局官员向我炫耀说,政府是非常得体和宽宏大量的对待萧添寿,以便让他能够及时参与大选。这没啥大不了的事!!

我从来就不相信行动党指控美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森涉及培养律师参加反对党的活动。我们不应该忘记,1988年萧添寿是新加坡律师公会的主席。身为公会主席,美国大使馆官员在新加坡与他会面实属正常的。在正常的情况,萧添寿在与美国大使馆官员会面时都会带上几名律师同时出席会议。

内部安全局官员经常告诉我,大使馆官员事实上是派驻国的间谍。他们的任务是就是关注派驻国所发生的一切事情,然后向本国政府汇报。依据他们的推论,我可以肯定地说,新加坡派出到国外的大使馆官员也是为新加坡收集情报的间谍。与派驻国的人民见面,以便了解当地人民在政治上和经济上的局势看法,本来就是使馆人员的一部分工作任务。所以,萧添寿及其他律师与美国使馆官员汉克·亨德利克森的见面绝对属于正常的。

我们必须不要忘记于1986年提交国会进行修订的《新闻报章与印刷法令》。时任总理李光耀非常生气外国报章经常批评它的政府。他指责外国报章对‘本地政治’的评论。这部新法令禁止他们对新加坡的批评。理所当然的,我想,美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森当然有兴趣知道律师们对这部法律的看法。

于1986年萧添寿和许多律师都反对这部新法令。身为律师公会主席,他委任了一个专门的工作委员会研究这部新法令,并提交报告给律师公会以便递交给总检察署。

我当时是工作委员会的主席。我们非常积极地准备了报告并提交给律师公会。在报告完成后,原本交给律师公会的报告直接递交给了总检察署署长陈文德。我被告知,陈文德没有签收这份报告。总检察署署长的这种傲慢是难于理解的。

30年过去了。让我回想起当年的这些令人激昂而又烦人的日子。我也和其他的律师们一起与美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森在午餐宴上见面,其中包括了已故著名刑事案件律师苏峇士先生。我不记得午餐宴的地点在哪儿了,可能是在美国人俱乐部。我也无法记得在午餐宴上我们谈论了些什么。但是,我可以肯定的是,谈话内容没有涉及美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森纵容我们加入反对党,或者是承诺为我们提供政治避难,或者是,假设我们要加入反对党的话提供金钱协助我们加入反对党的政治活动。美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森这么做是图什么?现在我已经披露了与美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森见面的信息了,我不知道内部安全局是否要调我去问话吗?

我不知道萧添寿到底相隔多久时间,或者经常与美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森进行午餐约会。我相信,这样的午餐约会的见面不是每个星期的事,或者会比行动党的部长们与美国大使馆官员见面更加频繁。就我个人而言,我只记得就是那次的见面。

让我回想起当年,在《报章与印刷修正法令》通过后,宪报随即公布所有在新加坡的外国报刊,包括了《远东经济评论》、《亚洲周刊》、《亚洲华尔街日报》、《伦敦时报》、《先驱论坛》、《新闻周刊》、甚至《经济学人报》等其发行量不得超过500份。李光耀为外国报刊离开新加坡而高兴。行动党政府并不理会这一切情况。因为他知道,对外国报刊而言,新加坡的是一个重要的城市。这些外国报刊总有一天是要回来的。基于此,在外国报章撤出新加坡之后,行动党继续镇压人民。对他们而言是有利的。因为即便是他们做错任何事情也再没有人能够批评政府了。接着,在1987年5月及6月政府借此机会逮捕了22人。我们就这样被扣上了属于马克思主义者,而不是早期的共产党了。

人们会这么想,假设1987年的逮捕行动是以受外国人影响为对象,我在被捕闻讯过程中必然要被问道与美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森见面的事。但是,事实是并没有被提起。事实上,所有在1987年5月被捕者并没有人被问起这件事。为什么内部安全局及行动党政府在逮捕萧添寿一年后,也就是1988年才提起这件事。

答案是极其简单。萧添寿完全可以反驳他们,并要求提供证据。因此在整个竞选运动过程中他们都保持缄默。他们只是在萧添寿离开新加坡后再指控他是美国的代理人。行动党知道,萧添寿被拒绝获得委任为非选区国会议员后是不可能再回到新加坡了。

但是对我们来说,萧添寿在一个录音访谈节目里否认了行动党的指控。您可以到以下网址听他的访谈内容:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pzOLJE2ysNw

当我在1987年5月第一次被捕时,我肯定,内部安全局知道我出席美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森的午餐宴。但是,当时在审问过程中并没有提起这件事。或者,在萧添寿到监狱探访我而被捕时,他们也未曾问过我有关当时的午餐宴。为什么当时政府不指控为被美国大使馆一等秘书汉克·亨德利克森利用?或者,他们为什么不逮捕出席午餐宴的苏峇士律师?

这个突如其来的《外国干预(应对措施)法令》只不过是方便被行动党利用的一个工具。这个工具在李光耀时代可能是有效的。但是,我相信,在今天它必然要失败的。今天新加坡人民已经比行动党更加有智慧。

不幸的是,今天的行动党领导人就像老狗玩 不出新把戏。所以他们继续追随当年李光耀自夸行之有效的伎俩。

争气点,行动党的部长们,自力更生,别一直依赖过去的领导人所惯用的伎俩。



自强不息 力争上游

2021年10月09日首版 Created on on October 9, 2021
2021年10月09日改版 Last updated on October 9, 2021