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“外国干预(应对措施)法令”将可能让学术活动
陷入在“法律上存在困难重重的局面”

人权律师朱正熙 (“人民论坛”译)


以下是读者推荐 2021年10月3日 脸谱网(Facebook) 的贴文(英中版):

FICA will potentially turn academic activity
into a "legal minefield"
Remy Choo Zheng Xi

MHA has issued a Facebook Post in response to a group of academics who have expressed concerns that FICA will potentially turn academic activity into a "legal minefield". Since MHA Facebook Posts don't have the force of law, it might be helpful to see what the proposed law actually says.

Under s20 of the Bill, the Minister can authorize directions such as Take Down directions or Disabling Directions to any online publication viewable in Singapore that is:

(1) undertaken by or on behalf of a foreign principal, and

(2) if the Minister believes that it is in the public interest to issue that direction.

What is the definition of a "foreign principal"? Under s4 of the Bill, any foreigner or foreign public enterprise (like a University) would fall within the definition.

Under s5(1)(a) of the Bill, a person engages in conduct on behalf of a foreign principal if the person undertakes that activity "under an arrangement with the foreign principal" or "in collaboration with the foreign principal". This language is basically wide enough to capture any sort of activity conducted together with a foreign educational institution.

How is "in the public interest defined"? Under s7 of the Bill, it is in the public interest to do anything necessary or expedient to "to prevent any foreign interference directed towards a political end in Singapore".

How is "directed towards a political end in Singapore" defined?

Under s8 of the Bill, an activity or a conduct can be defined as "directed towards a political end in Singapore" if a purpose of that activity is to "influence...ANY aspect...or public conduct relating to activities that have become the subject of a political debate, in Singapore".

TLDR: anything can be interpreted as being "directed towards a political end in Singapore" if it has become the subject of a political debate in Singapore, e.g. climate change, the legality of gay sex, access to healthcare for migrant workers.

If you have read this far, congratulations, you are part way through navigating the "legal minefield" of FICA.

Unfortunately, even MHA doesn't seem to be able to navigate this legal minefield safely because they appear to have incorrectly pointed out, in their Facebook Post, that the following activity won't be caught under FICA: -

• A PhD student who challenges “the criminalization of gay sex” in an online cultural studies journal published by a research centre based at Osaka University.

• A journal article in Asia Bioethic Review spotlighting the “’multiple barriers to access’ to healthcare faced by migrant workers in Singapore”. One of the co-authors is employed by a university overseas.

• A political scientist on a webinar sponsored by the University of Sydney speaking about “current political issues in Singapore”.

Read the definitions I've set out again above. It seems clear that FICA CAN apply in these situations.

While our current Government might protest: WE will never use FICA in this manner, the law is broad enough that it can be abused by a less "benevolent" Government.

If the law is abused, can a rogue Government's powers under FICA be checked by the Courts? No, because s92 of FICA makes the Minister's decisions appealable only to a Reviewing Tribunal, and under s104 of the Bill, any decision by the Reviewing Tribunal cannot be challenged through the Courts.

Checkmate.

P.s.: if any of the above is incorrect, I hope it can be clarified in Parliament so that it goes on Hansard. Because, unlike a Facebook Post clarification, that has force of law.

“外国干预(应对措施)法令”将可能让学术活动
陷入在“法律上存在困难重重的局面”

人权律师朱正熙 (“人民论坛”译)

既然内政部的脸书网页的帖子没有法律约束力,让我们看看拟议中的法律到底说了些什么,它可能是会有所帮助的。

在s20法案下,部长有权向任何在新加坡运作的在线网站发出指示,诸如删除帖子,或者是让网站无法运行,即是:

• 由外国委托人承担或代表外国委托人承担;以及

• 假设部长相信,他是为了公众的利益而发出这类指示。

“外国委托人”的定义什么?

在法案s4项下,任何的外国人、或者是外国公共企业(诸如大学)都列入所诠释的范围。

在法案s5(1)(a)项下,代表外国委托人从事行为的人,假设被委托人承担“根据与外国委托人的协议”下的活动,或者是“与外外国人合作”。这样诠释的范畴是极其广泛的。它足于对付任何与外国(学术或)教育机构的活动。

如何诠释“在公众利益”?

在法案的s7项下,做任何的事情都是符合公众利益的,或者是,有利于“防止任何外国人最终以新加坡为政治目的干预”。

如何诠释“以新加坡为最终政治目的”?

在法案的s8项下,任何的活动或者是行为都可以被诠释为“最终以新加坡为政治目的干预”。

假设该项活动是“影响……任何方方面……或者是与活动有关的公共行为,而导致在新加坡成为一场政治辩论的主题”。太过冗长,无法再读下去了。(TLDRS 是网络术语: Technological Limiting Drawing Ratio)任何的事情都可以诠释为‘以新加坡为最终政治目的’。诸如气候变化、同性恋合法化、外劳的健康问题等等的辩论,它最终都会被假设成为“最终以新加坡为政治目的干预”的政治辩论主题。

假设您已经读到这里,恭喜您,您已经被引导入《外国干预(应对措施)法案》的“法律雷区”了。

不幸的是,即便是内政部本身也似乎无法确定在这个合法的雷区的安全航行。因为从它们的脸书网页上,他们似乎错误的指出如下的活动将无法在《外国干预(应对措施)法令》下被对付:

• 一名博士生在在线文化研究杂志出版网站上讨论提出挑战:“同性恋的刑事定罪”。这个在线网站的基地是在日本大阪大学。

• 一篇刊登在《亚洲生物物理学》刊物的文章突出报导了“在新加坡的外劳面对医疗问题的‘准入行动多重障碍’”。其中一位共同作者是被海外大学所聘用的。

• 由澳洲悉尼大学赞助的一名网络政治学家在谈到“当前的新加坡的政治问题。”

请再阅读我在本文章前面所提到有关法案的诠释。《外国干预(应对措施)法令》似乎可以适用于这方面的情况。

而我们现在的政府会为此提出抗议:我们将不会引用《外国干预(应对措施)法令》于这方面。这部法令的诠释范围是极其广泛的。它能够让一个‘不那么仁慈’的政府所滥用的。

假设有关的法律被政府滥用了,一个流氓政府的权利是否会在《外国干预(应对措施)法令》下被法院检视。答案是不会。因为法令的s92款项下,对于部长的决定只能向审查法庭提出上诉。同时在法令s104款项下,任何审查法庭做出的裁决是不可以到法院进行挑战的。



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2021年10月10日首版 Created on on October 10, 2021
2021年10月10日改版 Last updated on October 10, 2021