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我不喜欢霸凌人民的恶霸

人权律师、政治拘留者张素兰 (“人民论坛”译)


以下是读者推荐 2021年10月13日 Function 8 的贴文(英中版):

I DON'T LIKE BULLIES
by Teo Soh Lung

On 8 October 2021, the state media informed us that 8 individuals and one Facebook page, Wake up Singapore received letters from MHA demanding that they apologise for misrepresenting what the Minister of Law and Home Affairs, K Shanmugam said in parliament. Apparently, he was in a hurry to extract apologies. One of 8 individuals said that she was given just one hour to comply with the demand or face the consequences. All nine parties are reported to have complied even though one of them maintained that she only clarified and did not apologise.

The nine had shared Mothership's article on the minister's convoluted and somewhat contradictory speech in parliament when it debated on FICA or Foreign Interference Countermeasures Act.

In his long speech, the minister tried to impress us that he was a disciple of the late Senior Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. While it is true that Lee loved to give long lectures off his cuff, I am afraid the minister is no way near Lee's eloquence and clarity of thought. Lee could go on for hours and mesmerise his audience in his younger days. He was a convincing speaker and parliament was alive when he took the floor. This is not to say that he was the only orator. There were many in those day.

In Lee's later years, his skill as a debater declined. He was more a bully and a bad loser when he failed to win a debate. It was understandable why he lost his skill. Too long in a one party government wiped out real debates. I do not think anyone dares to oppose him in cabinet meetings. We see his deteriorating skill in the 1986 debate with Francis Seow, Harry Elias and Warren Khoo at the Select Committee hearing on the Amendment to the Legal Profession Act. He was angry when he lost an argument and took his revenge subsequently.

Mr K Shanmugam became a member of parliament in 1989, just one year before Lee stepped down as prime minister. While it is true that the minister can learn to be like Lee from reading Hansard and all the books that he had written, I don't think it will be the same. You can watch the minister's debating skill when he questioned Dr P J Thum in the select committee hearing on POFMA or Protection of Falsehoods and Manipulation Act. Here is a short extract if you don't have the patience to spend six hours listening to him https://youtu.be/wY_Wrh1UnnM?t=6.

Let me go back to the minister's speech which in my opinion, was correctly understood and stated in the article in Mothership and shared by the nine parties. You can read the transcript by Lynn Lee here https://tinyurl.com/ykds6mpk I just want to pick out the minister's salient words and give you my understanding of his words.

MINISTER: In 1989, I was a lawyer, four years out of law school, or four years after being called, and like many other lawyers, my assumption was, every problem, the solution is in the courts. AND JUST LIKE MR SINGH AND OTHERS, I ALSO TAKE SEPARATION OF POWERS VERY SERIOUSLY. (emphasis in uppercase mine)

When I read the above sentences, especially the sentence in uppercase, I had the impression that the minister's belief in the separation of powers as he was taught in law school has changed over the past 30 odd years.

By way of example of how his belief has changed, he talked about the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act (MRHA) which was enacted in 1990. He said he was uncomfortable with it and spoke about it within limits as a backbencher. The MRHA gives absolute power to the minister to silence any religious person or persons in authority from any acts which he deems unlawful under the law. This I must say is the power of Lee Kuan Yew. He could convince people who are guided by non-human beings to agree that such a law was necessary. He then went on to say:

MINISTER: Now, what has changed, what has made me change my mind? If a man looks at facts, the real world, and refuses to change his mind, he is either stupid, or he is ideological. I am neither, I think.

Don't these statements lead us to the natural conclusion that the minister has changed his belief from the time he was a law student and a young lawyer to today? He went on to give examples of why he has changed his mind about the rule of law.

MINISTER: You see the issues around the world, where lip service is paid to all these grand concepts, but the societies live in utter misery, where rule of law is a concept for lawyers, but it doesn't operate in the real world.

Isn't this clear that what the minister is saying is that the rule of law does not operate in the real world and that it is only a concept for lawyers! He went on.

MINISTER: And then I began to understand the meaning of his [Lee Kuan Yew's] original speech to the Law Society, when he said, law and order – I reverse it, order first before law.

... If you can't have the CLTPA [Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Act] and arrest the gangsters, how are you going to have law?

The CLTPA is a law that allows detention without trial which is totally against the rule of law. He knows that. Arrest first and let the poor fella scream his innocence later. So the CLTPA must authorise someone (in this case, the minister) to order arrest and detention without trial.

I don't think I am wrong to say that the minister had openly agreed that he does not believe in the rule of law in certain laws like the CLTPA. These are to him necessary exceptions to the rule of law. But he cannot openly say this. Neither did his mentor or any other minister before him say that. Our judges agree that there can be deviations from our Constitution which is supposed to guarantee an open trial for every person. But make no mistake, such laws are against the rule of law which demands there be an open trial where real evidence are produced and a person is convicted only when he is found guilty based on the evidence before a judge.

The minister rambled on and got himself entangled.

He said: “So I began to understand why we have a strong commitment to rule of law, strong commitment to separation of powers, AND AT THE SAME TIME, OVER TIME, IN SPECIFIC AREAS – FOR EXAMPLE, I SAID, LAND ACQUISITION ACT.”

The minister wants to believe in the rule of law. At the same time, he wants exceptions to be made where the rule of law does not apply. He cited the Land Acquisition Act as an example.

MINISTER: Would we in Singapore be where we are if we had taken the Indian approach? Every matter goes up to Supreme Court on land acquisition and it takes years to deal with it? SO I SAW THE GENIUS IN THE ADAPTATIONS THAT OUR SYSTEM HAS MADE, OR THE FOUNDING GENERATION HAS MADE.

The minister was enlightened by the founding generation who enacted the Land Acquisition Act soon after independence. That law vests the power to acquire land for public purposes in the president who of course acts on the advice of the cabinet. Compulsory land acquisition by the government had enabled it to acquire huge parcels of land at below market prices for decades. It was the Robin Hood law but it cannot boast of compliance with the rule of law. It is indeed an exception to the rule of law and the minister is very proud of its achievement.

The minister then went on to insult former British colonies. He said:

“You look at all the countries in the post-colonial world. They inherited the institutions from the British. A civil service, a judiciary, laws, schools, education. What have they done with it? Most of them have gone down the tube while their grand rhetoric”...

It is clear from the minister's speech that he does not believe in the separation of powers or the rule of law. But he cannot admit this because he is a lawyer and a law minister in a developed country. Following his master's voice, he therefore enacts laws which he calls exceptions to the rule of law. These laws are easily enacted as the PAP has a super majority in parliament.

In 2019, POFMA (Protection from Online Falsehoods and Manipulation Act) was his first attempt. But he soon realised that it didn't go far enough for the affected party could still proceed to the High Court and the Court of Appeal by way of judicial review. That was what happened to his POFMA directions to the Singapore Democratic Party and The Online Citizen. Was it his oversight or was he testing the waters in 2019?

FICA or Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act takes a bolder step. The minister restricts appeals against his orders to be made to a Review Tribunal which is appointed by the president on the advice of the cabinet. The law prohibits appeals to the High Court except on procedural matters. So judicial oversight is removed unless an affected party has the money and time to take it to the Supreme Court to test out the effectiveness of the law.

The minister tells us that the Review Tribunal is a respectable and independent tribunal because it is presided by a High Court judge. That may be so but he does not tell us that the term of each person in the tribunal is for a period of 3 years and they are not bound by procedures. While it is true that each term of 3 years can be renewed, the tribunal does not have the tenure, status or respect of a real High Court judge. I do not think any respectable judge takes it as an honour to sit in such a tribunal. Having personally appeared before the Advisory Board chaired by a High Court judge when I was an ISA detainee, I do not have a good opinion of the Board.

The minister then tried to be very clear. He said:

MINISTER: All of this [judiciary, civil service, SAF etc] is built up with the foundations of bringing order first, and making sure the law, commitment to rule of law, is there. BUT MAKING THE EXCEPTIONS WHERE NECESSARY. AND I TOOK YOU THROUGH THE EXCEPTIONS. And to me, the best example of how this operated in practice, is when I saw how the Americans were struggling with it.

From the two sentences in uppercase, the minister is telling us that laws such as CLTPA and ISA are exceptions to the rule of law i.e. rule of law does not operate in such laws BUT he cannot admit this. Neither can the late Mr Lee or any of the ministers before him.

The minister then went on to talk about Guantanamo and how the Americans set up this living hell in a territory that is not within the United States and therefore not subject to due process and the rule of law.

MINISTER: Let's that's why I said let's get out of this colonisation of our minds. Let's look at what works, what is fundamental. Checks and balances are important, but what is wrong with the checks and balances we've built in here? So yes, I'm not embarrassed to say that I had certain views, straight out of law school, the first four years. The only mistake is I shouldn't have become an MP when I was 29. I should have waited a bit longer. BUT I'M NOT EMBARRASSED TO SAY THOSE WERE MY VIEWS, AND THOSE VIEWS HAVE CHANGED BECAUSE OF THE REALITIES OF LIFE. NOT BECAUSE I BECAME A MINISTER BUT BECAUSE OVER TIME, LONG BEFORE I BECAME A MINISTER I SAW HOW LAWS ARE MEANT TO OPERATE AND WHERE THE EXCEPTIONS HAVE TO BE MADE.

Wow, “colonisation of our minds!” I like this phrase. But doesn't this make it crystal clear that the minister has changed from his youthful idealistic self to a hard core practical minister who is intent on bringing order before allowing the law to take its course? He has like his mentor, taken short cuts, putting away “trouble makers” who disagree with his hardline policies. By doing this, it will reap benefits for his party for it can do whatever it wants. But is he doing terrible damage to our country and its people especially the young who will survive him and his generation of hardline politicians.

The minister finally returns to FICA from his reminiscence of his past. He said:

MINISTER: I saw how laws are meant to operate and where the exceptions have to be made. So as I sit, sat with my officers and drafted this, and the AGC, yes, there were parts that I wished were different. But the threat we face, as I said, are people armed with bazookas. And I describe this legislation as a toy gun.

I don't understand what he had in mind when he talked about people being armed with bazookas and FICA being just a toy gun. What is the use of a toy gun if the threat of bazookas is real? Why not use the army against those who are armed with bazookas? Why make exceptions to the law or rather to the rule of law by having toy gun legislations?

The PAP is not new to using “foreign interference” as an excuse to enact tough laws which give ministers power to do anything they want in the name of “public interest”. In the name of public interest, the ministers are free to issue orders and are not bound by the rule of law.

In this rambling speech, the minister has finally made it clear that laws such as FICA are exceptions to the rule of law. I give him credit for this admission as no one else has done so in the past. He may not have ruled out the rule of law in all cases, but he certainly admits that the rule of law does not apply to legislations such as FICA. That said, FICA enables the minister to bully small people like you and me. The judiciary cannot help us. I would not encourage any person to take the matter relating to FICA to the High Court and the Court of Appeal. I have tried that in relation to the ISA and failed.

我不喜欢霸凌人民的恶霸

人权律师、政治拘留者张素兰 (“人民论坛”译)

于2021年10月8日,国家媒体通知我们,8位个别人士和社交媒体网站《觉醒,新加坡》(WAKE UP SINGAPORE)接到了来自内政部发来的一封要求道歉的信件。信件指上述8人及社交媒体网站错误转述了律政与内政部长善穆根在国会开会的讲话原意。很明显的,善穆根是急于取得这些个人及社交媒体的道歉。据8人当中的一位反映,她说,内政部只给她1小时的时间考虑接受道歉的要求,或者自己承担后果。他们9位(8位个别人士及社交媒体网站)已遵循要求,即便是其中的一位坚持,她只是澄清有关的问题,并没有道歉。

当部长在国会辩论《外国干预(应对措施)法令》发言时,出现了一部分令人费解和相互矛盾的部分,《航母网站》(Mothership)刊登了这段讲话的内容。

在部长冗长的讲话里,尝试给我们一个印象是,他是已故总理李光耀的门徒。虽然,事实上李光耀喜欢长篇大论,但是,我相信部长与他的口才和清晰的思路是没有可比性的。李光耀在年轻时代可以进行长达4小时的演讲并吸引着听众。他是一个能够让听众信服的演讲者。当他在发言时国会是在直播的。当然这并不是说他是唯一的演讲者。在当年像李光耀这样的演讲者多得是。

在晚期,李光耀的辩论技巧已经下降了。当他在与人辩论无法赢得胜利时已经变成了一个恶霸和失败者。对于他失去辩论的技巧而失败是可以理解的。长期处于一党专政的政府导致国会失去真正的辩论。我不相信有任何人敢于在内阁会议上反对他。我们可以看到1986年在辩论有关萧添寿的问题时他的那种独裁作风。哈里·艾里亚斯和(Harry Elias)和邱沃伦(Warren Khoo)在特选委员会里聆听有关《专业修正法令》时。在辩论中失败了,李光耀表现得非常生气。过后,对他们采取了报复行动。

善慕根先生是在1989年进入国会的。隔年李光耀离开内阁不再担任任何部长职位。是的。所有的部长都可以从李光耀在国会发言的国会议事录以及他所撰写的书籍中学习到李光耀的演讲技巧。这是事实。但是,我不认为这将会是一模一样滴。您可以从部长在出席《防止网络散播虚假信息与操纵》的听证会上,看到部长们在审问覃柄鑫博士时的辩论技巧。假设您有耐心的话,可以到以下长达6小时的视频网站浏览:https://youtu.be/wY_Wrh1UnnM?t=6.

让我回到部长讲话的主题。我的意见是,刊登在《航母网站》(Mothership),后来被9名(8名独立人士和一个社交媒体网站)分享的那篇文章是否是被准确理解及说明。您可以阅读 Lynn Le 在如下网址:https://youtu.be/wY_Wrh1UnnM?t=6. 浏览。我只是节录部长不准再让人提起的禁言并谈谈我个人的看法。

部长:于1989年,我是一名律师。我从法学院毕业后的4年,或者是4年后被征召,或者是和其他的律师一样,我个人的猜测,每一个问题都是在法院里获得解决的。(以下文字是我个人加黑的)与星先生和其他人一样,我也同样地非常重视三权分立。(AND JUST LIKE MR SINGH AND OTHERS, I ALSO TAKE SEPARATION OF POWERS VERY SERIOUSLY.)

当我读了上述这段话时,特别是我加黑的那段话,它给我留下的印象是:部长相信他在法学院读书时代的三权分立,已经在过去30年被改变了。

就以他的信仰被改变为例子。他在谈到有关《维持种族和谐法令》(Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act (MRHA))。这部法律是在1990年实施的。他说,当时,他个人感到不自在。他为此与数位后座议员谈起这件事。《维持种族和谐法令》(Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act (MRHA))同样地,赋予部长绝对的权利禁止任何宗教信仰人士,或者是有权阻止任何人的行为的人,在法律约定项下他的行为是犯法的。我必须说,这就是李光耀的权利。被非人类所引导人同意需要制定这样的法律的。他接着说:

部长:现在已经改变了。为什么我会改变看法呢?假设一个人看到了许多事实,真实的世界,又拒绝去改变自己的想法,那么,他或者是愚蠢、或者是理想主义者。我想,我不是这两者。

这样的说词难道不会引导我们得出一个自然的结论:部长从一个法学生到律师,到今天已经改变了他的信仰的了吗?他继续举出例子说明为什么自己改变对法治的观念?

部长:你看当今世界所发生的问题,所有这些宏伟的概念都只是口头上说说而已。但是,社会说在极度痛苦中。法治只是律师们的法律观念,但是无法在现实的世界里付诸设施的。

难道这还不够明确清晰,部长所说的是:法治是无法在现实的付诸实施的。它只是律师们笃信的一种概念吧了。他继续说。

部长:就这样,当时我开始明白他(李光耀)在律师公会的演讲原话的含义——他说,在法律与命令——我保留意见,命令必须先行与法律。

……假设您不能够拥有《刑事犯罪(临时》条款》去逮捕私会党徒,那么你将如何拥有法律?

《刑事犯罪(临时)法令》允许不经审讯下扣留(嫌疑犯),这是完全与法治背道而驰的。他清楚这一点。先把人抓起来,然后让那可怜的家伙以后再申冤。这就是说,《刑事犯罪(临时)法令》必须要有人授权执行(这些案件,部长)发出逮捕令和不经审讯的扣留令。

我不认为自己是说错的。部长已经公开同意,他已经不相信法治在某些法律,诸如《刑事犯罪(临时)法令》是行得通的。对他来说,这些是法治的必要例外。但是,他不能够公开这么说。或者他的前辈或者其他的部长之前也说过这样的话!我们的法官同意,我们的宪法可能存在偏差,那就是确保每一个人都能够获得公开审讯。但是别搞错了,制定这样的法律法规是违背法治的。它要求公开审讯。在审讯过程中提出证据和当一个人被判有罪只能是在审判前有足够证据证明。

部长继续漫谈,作茧自缠。

他说:“因此,我开始明白,为什么我们需要一个法治的坚定承诺。一个三权分立的坚定承诺。与此同时,随着时间的推移,在特定的领域——例如,我说的是,《土地征用法令》”。

部长要相信法治。与此同时,他要在某些领域不受法治的管制。他举《土地征用法令》为例子。

部长:我们会让新加坡自己定位吗?拿印度为例子?他们每一宗涉及土地征用的案件都到高等法院进行诉讼。而这样的诉讼是需要几年的时间处理的?所以我在我国的系统改变中看到了真正的改革,或者是建国一代已经建立了。

部长突出了建国一代在新加坡独立后实施的《土地征用法令》。在总统的提议下,当然总统听取内阁的意见后,赋予部长的权利征用属于用在公共基础建设的目的土地。政府在几十年里,以低于市价强制性地征用大量的土地。这是一个鲁滨逊法律(劫富济穷),它自夸是遵循法治。这的确是法治的例外。部长为此而感到自豪。

部长接着羞辱前英国殖民地政府。他说,

“你可以看到战后的所有国家。它们从前殖民地英国哪儿继承了这些机构、公务员、法官、律师、学校、教育。他们都做了什么?当他们的庄言豪语后大部分都已经下沉了”

非常清楚的。从部长的讲话里说明,他并不相信三权分立或者是法治。但是他不能够承认这一点,因为他是在发展中国家的一名律师,是一名律政部长。随着部长发出的声音,所以他在实施法律时可以说,排在法治之外。对行动党来说,实施这样的法律是轻而易举的事,因为它们在国会拥有绝大多数票。

2009年《防止网络散播虚假信息与操纵法令》是他的第一次尝试。但是,他很快认识到,这部法律仍然远远无法影响对方通过司法诉讼向法院和上诉庭进行司法复核。最近新加坡民主党和《网络公民》网站在上诉庭的最新判例就是这个例子。他在2019年是不是忽略的这一点,还是在试探法这部法律的实效?

《外国干预(应对措施)法令》(Foreign Interference (Countermeasures) Act)的提出实施迈出了更加狂妄的一步。部长限制上诉反对在复核法院他发出的命令。复核法院是总统在内阁的建议下提出的。有关法律规定,除了法律程序以外,禁止任何人向高等法院提出上诉。因此,司法监督就被取消了。除非被影响的一方有雄厚的资金和宽裕的时间,到高等法院挑战法律的有效性。

部长告诉我们,复核法院是一个崇高和独立的法司法机构。因为它是在高等法院主持下的。也许是这样,但他并没有告诉我们,每一位任职的法官任职期只有3年,同时,他们不受程序所约束。虽然确实每3年可以更新。但是复核法院并没有获得真正的高等法院法官的任期、地位和尊重。我不认为,任何被人尊重的法官可以在这样的法院任职感到光荣。我是一名在《内部安全法令》下被监禁的政治拘留者。当年我到由高等法院担任主席的上诉庭进行上诉。我对上诉庭没有任何好评。

部长随后试图要说得更加清楚,他说:

部长:这些(机构)(司法、公务、武装部队等等)的建立在首先带来秩序的基础上的,以及制定法律,对法治的承诺。在哪儿?但是,不要的时候要例外处理。我会带你走过这个例外。

就我而言,最好的例子是他们如何付诸于实践,就是当我看到美国人是如何与之抗争的时候。

从(加黑)的两句话,部长在告诉我们,那些法令,如《刑事犯罪(临时)法令》和《内部安全法令》都是法治除外的。比如,法治无法在这方面进行实施。但是,他无法承认这一点。或者已故李光耀先生或者任何其他之前的部长可以承认这一点。

部长接着谈到(在古巴岛上的)关塔莫监狱,和美国人是如何在不是属于自己国家的领土范围的生活地狱。因此不受正当程序和法治的约束。

部长:那就是为什么我说让我们离开殖民地时代的思维。让我们看自己做了些什么?是那些基础?检查和平衡的基础是非常要的。但是,我们在这里所建立检查和平衡的基础错在哪儿?是的。我不会感到难堪地说,我是从法学院毕业的,开始的4年,我有一些看法。我犯上的唯一错误就是我在29岁那年不应该成为国会议员。我应该晚些时候。但是,我不会感到难堪谈到这些观点。这些改变是因为现实的生活,而不是因为我已经成为一名部长,而是过时了。在我成为部长之前,我看到了法律是如何运作的,以及那些部分法律必须例外。

哇!“我们的殖民地思维!”我喜欢这段话。但是,这并不是说得一清二楚的。部长年轻时代的理想主义已经改变到成为一名硬核实干的部长了。谁打算在允许法律实施之前建立秩序?他与他的资政一样,抄近路,把那些不同意他的强硬政策‘麻烦制造者’移走。通过这样的手段,他可以为自己的党带来好处,让他的党为所欲为。但是,他这么做是否对我们的国家和人民,特别是年轻一代造成损害。谁能在他和他那一代强硬派政治家中幸存下来。

部长最后又从他的回忆过去回到《外国干预(应对措施)法令》。他说,

我看到了法令是如何运作的,以及必须做出例外规定的领域。因此我坐下来与我的官员和总检察署长起草了这份法令。是的。我希望这部法令由不同的部分。但是,正如我所说的,我们面对火箭筒的威胁吗?我把它形容为玩具火箭枪。

当他说到人民是被火箭筒武装起来和《外国干预(应对措施)法令》就是一只玩具枪时,我确实不明白他的脑子里装的是什么?假设你面对着的一只火箭筒的威胁时,你使用玩具枪有何意义?为什么你不使用武器去对付那些持有火箭筒的人?为什么要法令外有制定一个特别的领域?或者是通过立法玩具枪立法来实现法治?

对于人民行动的来说,利用“外国干预”作为藉口,制定强硬的法律法规,赋予部长们无限的权利,在‘为了公众利益’的幌子下,去做如何他们想做的事,已经不是什么新鲜事了。在‘公众利益’的幌子下,部长拥有自由的权利发出命令,而不受法律的约束。

在这场漫无边际的讲话后,部长最终明确地说,《外国敢于(应对措施)法令》是一部属于法治例外的领域。我赞赏他的坦诚说明。长期以来没有敢这么公开承认这一点。他可能没有在所有情况下排除法治。但是,他必然是承认,法治并不适用于以下的法令,诸如《外国干预(应对措施)法令》。这就睡说,《外国干预(应对措施)法令》赋予了部长可以霸凌像你我这样的平头百姓。司法无法予以我们如何协助。我不会鼓励任何人把与《外国干预(应对措施)法令》有关的案件的带上法院,或者是上诉庭。我(在内部安全法令下被捕监禁的时)曾经尝试把《内部安全法令》带上上诉庭,结果我失败了。



自强不息 力争上游

2021年10月17日首版 Created on on October 17, 2021
2021年10月17日改版 Last updated on October 17, 2021