When We Cherish the Memory
of Dr Lim Hock Siew, What Are
We Actually Cherishing?

　　Dr Lim Hock Siew passed away on the 4th of June 2012. Come the third day of the Lunar New Year this 2017, he would have left us for nearly 5 years.

　　His affable yet unyielding image, however, stays in our memory all this while and has kept us company all along.

　　When we cherish the memory of Dr Lim Hock Siew, what are we actually cherishing? I am posing this question because I think it will help us to sort out a focal strand from the myriad narratives that may have been swerving around.

　　Let me say what I feel. To begin with, we know that as a youth, he was a student in Raffles Institution (RI). Back then, a gush of anticolonial fervour had already begun budding in his fast maturing mind. For it was a time when the people of Malaya, including Singapore found themselves forsaken by the British colonialists when the latter surrendered to the Japanese invading army without even putting up a symbolic fight. Like most of his contemporaries in China, Korea, and Southeast Asia, they came to realize through the baptism of this ruthless war that only they can be the final arbiter of their own destiny.

　　He was a top student in school. Not only did he command remarkable oratorical abilities, but he was also gifted in his writing skills. Often, he would be chosen to represent his school at public speaking contests and won numerous prizes. For his outstanding writing abilities, he was picked to run the school's student publication. These remarkable aptitude were to find him years later of being appointed by his party, the Barisan Socialis, as one of its representatives to the United Nation in New York to tell the world why the Greater Malaysia plan harboured by the British was detrimental to the interest of the people of Singapore and Malaya.

　　RI was originally establsihed by the British colonialist to train an elite "clerical" class on whom the colonial government could count upon for helping it to administer her colonies. It was to be expected then that the institution would be well look after like a precious son. Students there got to receive the best that care available at the time. As long as one was prepared to submit to the values it propounded, one's future would be laid out on a smooth plane. Upon graduation, those opting to serve in the government service would likely move up the scale like moving up on clouds, those choosing to go into the business organizations associated with the colonial establishments would find a comfortable life waiting for them.

　　But when Hock Siew finished high school, none of the above was what he wanted to pursue. His heart was devoted to becoming a medical doctor, because in his mind, saving lives and relieving pain was closest to serving people in a most meaningful way. He enrolled in the King Edward VII Medical College, and very soon found himself in the company of equally idealistic minds such as Poh Soo Kai, Rajakumar, Arthur Lim and Tan Seng Huat, etc. They then joined hands to form the University Socialist Club (1953) to promote the study of socialism among students, staff members, and even members of the public at large. That was to signify the beginning of a life-long struggle for freedom and justice and the realization of socialism for most of the founding members of the Club.

　　During this time, I was a student at the Chinese High School. Often, after school, we would try to seek out Fajar, the publication of the USC to read. We were very keen to learn about the anti-colonial movements that were raving in many parts of the world as well as the teachings of socialism which were curious to us.

　　The anti-colonial activities undertaken by Hock Siew and his friends in the University of Malaya in Singapore (UMS) naturally resonated strongly with the anti-colonial and the defense of vernacular education activities organised by the Chinese school students at the time. What was more important was that this led to the break up of the barriers hitherto existed between students of the two language streams, and fostered better understanding between them. As a result, a momentus and gigantic anti-colonial force was forged, thereby sending shockwaves to the British colonialists and their fellow travellers and rocked their confidence in their continued rule.

　　During this period, the student movement in Singapore and the Malay Peninsular reached unprecendented heights and intensity. On the one hand, anti-colonial fervour was rising. Left-wing unions under the leadership of Lim Chin Siong had formed the People's Action Party in collaboration with Lee Kuan Yew. Also taken part in this widened efforts against the colonialists were Lim Hock Siew, Poh Soo Kai and several student leaders from the University of Malaya in Singapore. While on the other, students from the newly opened Nanyang University (NU), who came mainly from the Chinese stream of education, moved to join forces with students from UMS and the Malay stream toward a state of solidarity never before seen on this land. Like a gust of fresh wind mingling with great hopes sweeping across this forsaken land, everyone was eagerly expecting that a new social outlook would descend very soon.

　　At this time, I was already enrolled in Nantah. The political situation in Singapore was heading towards ever scathing opposition between anti-colonial forces and the colonialists. So much so that even for those of us living on "a campus of peace away from the turmoil of the world", so to speak, we were unable to stay out of the bustle. To be sure, not that we did not wish to set our mind at rest and focus on our studies, we were constantly drawn in the fray by those who deliberately create confusion, vilify our true intentions and spreading lies. It was common for them to label us "communist sympathisers" or "chauvinists". Against all of these slandering onslsughts, it becomes a situation where "the tree may crave calm, but the wind will not drop". Under such circumstances, who can stay calm and study?

　　I recall during those politically-spirited days, USC would often organize discussions and debates on the campus in Bukit Timah. Those of us in the relatively far away Yunnan campus would take the Green bus after classes to be at Bukit Timah to watch and cheer what we now regard as "our team" – the USC boys. On stage, we often see Lim Hock Siew, Poh Soo Kai, S.Woodhull, James Puthucheary, or Jamit Singh in twos or threes, facing Lee Kuan Yew and his coterie. The Left seemed always on the triumphal side, judging by the applause and positive acclaims from the floor. Though there is not the slightest doubt that LKY was a powerful and gifted orator, those speakers from the Left were in no way any inferior. For the truth about the speakers from the Left was that they were resonating with the tidal currents of the day. Their disdain for the cunning but shrivalling colonialists put them singly in a position of high rectitude, which made them all the more assertive because shrouded with a strong sense of justice, they felt they were indeed answering the call of the times.

　　The wind of change brought about by these patriotic men of distinction from the Left gave the anti-colonial movement great encouragement and hope. It was to be seen that this movement carried workers and farmers from the lower stratum of society; middle school students and technicians from the mid stratum, graduating university students, as well as intellectuals and progressive capitalists, etc. from the upper stratum. Together, they formed a massive army of the people that could not be ignored, closing in on the colonialists and their fellow travellers. This became a hard bone, one which carried with it the people's trust, now lodged in Mr Lee's throat which he found difficult to swallow. Without doubt, he would, on latter days, instigate a plot to try to dislodge it by hook or by crook. And true enough, he did.

　　With the help of the British, Mr Lee triggered a move against leaders of its left-wing in his party, thereby revealing starkly his true right-wing colours. Several original party founders and stalwarts, including Lim Hock Siew were dropped from becoming cadre members of the newly revised party setup where representation and power are indisputably assured to stay in the hands of Mr Lee and his coterie. This led to the formation of the Barisan Socialis and closely followed by mass resignations of PAP branch leaders and members to join the ranks of the new party. The stage is thus set for the PAP, engaging the Barisan Socialis in a fight of life and death which led to far-reaching consequences for not just Singapore but also for neighbouring countries in Southeast Asia.

　　In the newly formed Barisan Socialis, Lim Hock Siew was elected to the Party's central committee and editor of the English edition of the party organ, The Plebian. A skill, which he began honing during his RI days could now be put to greater use as he was now charged with a new mission, that of exposing the dark and cunning nature of the colonialists and their running dogs.

　　Meanwhile, the British colonialists were busily cooking up a plot to try to protect its political and economic interests in the region. From this, the Greater Malaysia Plan, aiming to bring the Federated States of Malaya, the colony of Singapore, the Borneo States of Sarawak and Sabah, as well as Brunei under one roof was hatched.

　　For a long time in history, Singapore and the Malay peninsular have been one undivided territory in many ways: geography, human kinships, cultural relationships, as well as ethnic composition, etc. Thanks to British colonialists' innate belief in the governing principle of "divide and rule", Singapore had willy-nilly been separated from "mainland" Malay peninsular to be ruled directly by UK as a crown colony. Now, by another sinister design, the British sought to bring Singapore back into the fold with a much larger geographical area, embracing not just Singapore and the Malay peninsular, but also the north Borneo territories of Sabah and Sarawak, as well as Brunei. This political display of tricks mask a portentous agenda, ie. to eradicate Left-wing forces in the region, so as to preserve the political, economic, and military interests of UK, and her fellow travellers.

　　Incidentally, the plot favours the PAP in a most critical way because it proved to be Lee Kuan Yew's last life-saving straw. As when he viewed with ever glaring eyes his party being trounced by voters in two successive bye elections in Hong Lim and Anson. Spurned and besieged, and struggling for survival, his only way to save his skin was to fall on the British and the Tunku for help to finish off the Left. At this time, the spectacle playing in front of the eyes of the world was that Lee Kuan Yew was even keener and more pressing than the Tunku, who first mooted the idea of the Greater Malaysia Plan publicly at a foreign correspondents' gathering, to get the Plan through.

　　It was against this background that Lee Kuan Yew traded Singapore's interests away in exchange for a merger with some of the most unfair, unreasonable and unacceptable conditions for our people. Among the conditions are that Singaporeans would not be able to enjoy the kind of citizenships that other Malaysians enjoy; Singaporeans could not take up employment or residence in other parts of Malaysia; and the number of parliamentary seats assigned to Singapore would be limited to 15, a number far below that had equal representation been practised like in all other constituent states.

　　To this, Barisan Socialis raised its objection vehemently. It was pointed out that such merger conditions would only serve to bring about discord among the people of the new nation and plant seeds of friction and dispute which might eventually result in the breaking up of the country.

　　Sure enough, even before two years were up, constant bickering and furious squabbles in the new nation erupted into a situation no parties could singly and justifiably clear up the mess, and Singapore was evicted. Now, the predictions of the Barisan Socialis had been finally proved right and for which they deserved to be vindicated.

　　By universal norm of conduct, this fundamental political change that brought about the new situation should have been accompanied by a new outlook and refreshing values. However, the opposite was to be the case. Political detainees in the various prisons were put to face even greater suppression and more abominable treatment. Outside of the prisons, political atmosphere became more and more restrictive and more suffocating. What little bubble of democracy that remained was being pushed to the brink of obliteration! Under the rule of the high-handed stance which practices the tenet of "those who submit will flourish, those who resist shall wither", the entire society had been enshrouded in white terror. Consequently, a hitherto energetic, vigourous and progressive people had now found itself degenerated into a society of meek, docile and soulless minions, not unlike mindless and powerless cattle all ready to be shepherded around.

　　When Hock Siew had been incarcerated for nine years, he was called up one day for interrogation by officers of the Special Branch. They wanted him write a statement to indicate his support for the so-called parliamentary democracy that was beinng practiced in Singapore and also to express his desire to give up politics for good, and to show his recantation for his past political activities. They then added that he must give face to Lee Kuan Yew, failing which he would not be released.

　　In response to those bizarre and unreasonable demand, Hock Siew's response was: "For me this not a question of pride, it's a question of principle. In the first place, if a person has to save his face by depriving somebody else of his fundamental rights, then that's not a face that's worth saving."

　　On this very issue of right and wrong, Dr Lim made his choice and stood his ground. But it was to mean that for that principled and concientious decision, he had to pay a steep price of nearly another ten years of detention behind bars. What savagery was Lee Kuan Yew and his company trying to set on Dr Lim? Did they want him to languish in prison for ever? What right do they have to do as they have done? So for nearly 20 years, Dr Lim was sent mired through literally all the detention centres and prisons in Singapore.

　　We all know that a convict sentenced by a court of law for life imprisonment has to serve a period of 13 years and be released. But Dr Lim's detention last nearly 20 years, almost 7 years more than a life imprisonment. Singaporeans who claim to have an independent mind, an unadulterated heart and a shining soul must ask: What kind of rule of law is this? What kind of country are we living in? Who made those deplorable and dastardly decision? What kind of people are they?

　　Mr Tan Kah Kee, one of the greatest philanthropists and a most influential community leader Singapore has ever had had this to say to the world: "On the rise and fall of a country, everyone has a responsibility; the self and the family may be sacrificed, but between right and wrong, there can be no compromise." These words by a great man has found them put into action by Dr Lim Hock Siew in the most vivid and incisive way! For, in making that decision, he had to take into consideration his own personal freedom, his family's wellbeing, and the conscience of the society. He showed the weight and height of his character and integrity, his undaunting courage, indeed, the highest quality of a man.

　　When Hock Siew was hauled from his home in the wee hours of February 2, 1963, he had these dearing words for his wife: "Darling, I shall be by your side again in seven or eight years." That was already an extended period of detention based on his assessment of the political situation then and how it would eventually evolve. Now, in retrospection, we know he had been too kind to the people who incarcerated him.

　　By the universal norm of conduct, he and his comrades should have been freed by LKY soon after Singapore left Malaysia, simply because Barisan's prediction made before merger took place had been proven right on spot. In light of the new situation, Singapore was now an independent country, and imminent nation-building would have called for solidarity and concerted efforts of all parties. But that was not to be. Leaders of the Left continued to be detained and normal political activities continued to be suppressed. It was clear that considerations other than those linking to the "maintenance of national security" was at play.

　　During the long years of political detention, it was not difficult to imagine that in the initial period, family members who came for the weekly "jumpa" (Malay word for prison visit) had much to talk about. But as time progressed, talking points began to diminish. Then week after week, year after year, as more and more restrictions were imposed (eg. open unobstructed meetings during "jumpas" taken over by segregation by glass panels to conduct telephone talk) and following the slackening of activities, the invasion of routine into each other's life, monotony started to creep in. With years passing by, and your crowning glory thinning and greying, facial lines degraded into marked wrinkles, family visits now took on the form of silent encounters.

　　Isn't this how steel is tempered? Hasn't "silence is golden" assumed a deeper meaning? Yes, everyone was quietly conscious that a war of will was going on – "the greater the suppression, the stronger the resolve to fight back", Dr Lim would say.

　　A Chinese legend passed down from mouth to mouth over a long period of time says that "Good will be rewarded with good, and evil with evil". This is because basically, everyone believes that human being is intrinsically good and virtuous, and if reward has not come today, it will definitely come some day. Whether one regards this as a legend or a folk wisdom, the truth is that it has never been denied or overturned. One may say that it is innately a principle or a philosophical tenet that makes a lot of good sense in human society. The great sufferings that Dr Lim and his colleague went through can be traced to a source which everyone is aware of, and whatever justifications have been advanced in doling out those actions, it would seem that the consequences emanating there from will not be difficult to fathom.

　　After nearly twenty years of political detention, Dr Lim regained his restricted freedom. He went back to his medical practice in Balestiar Road. He was an avid traveller. With his good wife in tow and numerous good friends accompanying, he had been found in many places in the world, breathing in the much freer air with extended arms. In his latter years, he developed a keen interest in painting, not only as a budding painter himeself, but also as an art collector. His love of classical music had never waned over the years. All of these combined to show that here was a man, tough like steel and yet elegant as silk, constantly engaged in the pursuit of the true, the good and the beautiful.

　　At the same time, pressed by numerous Singaporeans, especially people of the younger generation eager to learn about his legendary life experiences, one could always find him relating his story in his characteristic humourous vein.

　　To me, this refined and cultivated gentleman, an indefatigable fighter for democracy and revolutionary carried in him a prodigious moral quality. He was clear in his mind about right and wrong. He measured his words both in affection and in hate. He stood firm in his ground. He was loyal to his belief. He was idealistic and was always looking toward improving the lot of his fellow men not just materially, but also in their social and humanistic outlook. He was humble and courteous, fair and affectionate.

　　This, therefore, are the exemplary qualities in the man for which we shall forever cherish.